CAFE
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EVENTS

The Vote of Confidence

Gujral is now detailing INdia's friendly relations with Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, talking of how India's foreign policy is built around the concept of ensuring that good relations are maintained with the neighbouring nations.

Gujral moving on from the neighbouring countries, to India's role in ASEAN, its relations with countries like Japan. "I take credit for this government, for one thing: we have had a pro-active policy in every issue that has risen during our brief tenure."

Gujral now moves on to the question of national security, and says no Indian government can afford to be complacent on that question. Arising from which, he argues, the Indian diplomatic initiatives vis a vis China are aimed at restoring a sense of calm and at easing the pressure on that boundary. Meanwhile, the camera pans over the benches, and shows up more seats empty, than full. Obviously, the august parliamentarians aren't in too much of a hurry to return after lunch.

Gujral says that for the first time, India has had a foreign policy based on taking the initiative, and that it has won India laurels among the international community.

Gujral ends his speech, and Somnath Chatterjee rises to support the motion of confidence in the UF government. Says first up, that it is the patriotic duty of every member to support the motion, that he is sure that most members of the Congress also feel the same way.

Chatterjee argues that the BJP, with a mere 25 per cent support from the country, talks without basis of popular mandates. That Jaswant Singh has used strong words in his speech.

Chatterjee now argues the point that when the BJP faced a vote of confidence, they knew throughout the discussion that they had no mandate, and yet went through the charade, only to resign just before the vote could be taken. This, he says, is indicative of their political greed.

"Sir, strong words are used when people grope in the darkness to find substance. I cannot think of a political party that has misused the Constitution more than the BJP, a party that occupied the treasury benches for 13 days without a mandate, those were 13 days of political tamasha."

Chatterjee now argues the point that when the BJP faced a vote of confidence, they knew throughout the discussion that they had no mandate, and yet went through the charade, only to resign just before the vote could be taken. This, he says, is indicative of their political greed. Moving on to Dasmunshi, he says, "You talk of the Congress desire for secularism, have you upheld secularism by creating a situation where the BJP can once again dream of coming to power?"

"A letter was delivered to the President on 30th March, resulting in this debate. That letter from the Congress did not say the leadership of the government should be changed, but that is the demand the Congress made later. I ask the Congress, are you doing justice to yourself and to the people of this country?....

Chatterjee takes issue with both the Congress and the BJP, arguing that neither party, given recent events, has any right to talk of "political morality". Talks of how BJP has joined Badal for power in Punjab, Mayawati in UP. How then, he demands, can the BJP talk of political morality?

His charge against the Congress is that for purely political reasons, that party is now bringing about a situation where the nation will need to spend Rs 500 crore to 600 crore on fresh elections - something, Chatterjee says, this country can ill afford. "I think," Chatterjee quotes Pawar as saying in Parliament, "that there is difference between the consitutents of theUF, but I also think that stability is the need of the hour, and that is why the Congress has decided to back the UF in its bid to form a government." Where, asks Chatterjee, did that spirit go now? Why has the Congress withdrawn support? He says that this question cannot be emphasised too often.

"Secularism is not a political buzzword, it is to many of us an article of faith and cannot be sacrificed to the whims and fancies of some politicians. It is the BJP that poses the greatest threat to secularism in this country. To protect the country from a communal divide and consequential feelings of hatred, it is necessary to keep out the BJP. This is why the Congress supported us then - why then has the Congress gone back on that now?"

Chatterjee's argument - or the underlying tenor - here seems to be that the BJP is a no-no, and for that reason alone, the UF government needs the support of the Congress.

Turning to the Congress, Chatterjee says, the Congress did not bother to raise any issues, any differences, before suddenly sending that letter withdrawing confidence to the President.

Chatterjee argues that the revival of the Inter State Council, and the bringing together of all Chief Ministers, was another plus point, that it is commendable that the government did not rule from Delhi, as in the past, but attempted to involve all chief ministers in the decision making process. "This has never been done in the past," argues Chatterjee.

Another plus, Chatterjee says, is that there was transparency in the functioning of this government. Again, taking off on the Congress, he says, "The Congress decided on unconditional support, then it became issue-based support, now it has become no support. Why?"

Chatterjee says that despite being a conglomeration of parties both regional and national, it held together, gave a good government, and belied the fear that such disparate political entities would never be able to pull together.

Back to the BJP, and Chatterjee wants to know why chief ministers of the BJP keep changing once every six months.

Continuing the argument, Chatterjee now blasts the Congress for sheer irresponsibility, accusin them of hampering the entire nation with this sudden decision to withdraw support. The nation, he says, will now be forced to function without a duly approved budget, and if the HOuse is dissolved, he argues, the confusion will become worse confounded.

Chatterjee, like the BJP before him, asks about the timing of the Congress letter - the Budget has not been passed, Indo-Pak talks are going on, he points out, what then was the compulsion that the Congress felt to destabilise things at this particular moment in time?

Chatterjee says, with all these problems facing the country, the Congress has now focussed on one simple issue: the change of Prime Minsiter. "As though that is the most important issue facing the country today, the identity of the man sitting in the PM's chair".

Chatterjee says the entire thing has boiled down to the fact that the Congress does not like Deve Gowda. "CAn the fate of the country be decided by personal likes and dislikes?" he demands.

The UF, says Chatterjee, has always been prepared to meet with leaders of all political persuasions, to sit across the table and discuss every issue. Why then did the Congress send that letter to the President without even bothering to inform the UF about it?

Winding down, Chatterjee appeals to all parties to think long and hard about the situation, about the country, and to show statesmanship, to think of the future, and to do what is right. "The time has not been lost, yet. One wonders, people ask us, what was the calculation of the Congress? What was the intention on the 30th of March? It is a numbers game, where does Congress have the numbers to come to power? Why then did it stake a claim to form the government?"

Getting epic-al in his speechifying, Chatterjee dubs Kesri a Hanuman, and the Congress MPs a vaanar sena, doing the work of the BJP for them.

Quoting P V Narasimha Rao, now, Chatterjee says: "Every party has to pause and think, there is no question of us going in for another mandate, that would have been an insult to all the members of the house, so we have to find a way, the Congress has to show the way in ensuring political stability". Quoting Rao as saying this, Chatterjee says, this is the Congress president of the time speaking, he was clear that he was not going to support the BJP, he was clear that he was not going to bring about a situation wehre the country had to go through fresh election. So what, Chatterjee demands, is the Congress doing now?

Chatterjee now making the point, that the Congress has offered total support to the common minimum programme, and that on the floor of the House, a statement was made to this effect. So what, he demands, is the Congress now talking of when it attacks the UF government's policies, after having first ratified those policies?

Chatterjee, again, appears to be belabouring the point that the entire business of withdrawing support is merely to get rid of the PM, that there is no other justification for this, that it was unprincipled of the Congress to first withdraw support, then put forward a condition that it will reconsider if Gowda stepped down from office, that this is tantamount to political blackmail...

The country, Chatterjee concludes, does not need a fresh election, that a developing nation cannot afford political instability on a yearly basis, that it is the duty of everyone with the best interests of the nation at heart to support this motion, and to ensure that the government does not fall.

And with that, Somnath Chatterjee yields the floor to Chandra Shekhar.

Chandra Shekhar:His argument, thus far, is that the most important point that needs consideration is the Congress decision to withdraw support, at a crucial time when India was attempting to build bridges with Pakistan and Russia, the government was on the verge of presenting the budget for approval, a time when the PM was in Moscow pursuing fresh policy initiatives. The Congress did not give the PM four days time to return, before pulling the rug out from under him."

"have we reached a situation where, when we are discussing matters of mutual interest with Pakistan after years, our politicians are more concerned with the identity of the man who occupies the top political post?"

"There are people who do not want the country to rise to its full stature, to take its rightful place in the comity of top international nations. It was this that India was attempting with fresh initiatives in Moscow and Pakistan, and it is this that has been so rudely halted now."

"The decision by the Congress to withdraw support," Chandra Shekhar says, "at this crucial time grieves me. It is against the best interests of the nation, it is against the itnerests of the people of India, it is against the interests of this House...

"Are we at all worried about the future of this coutnry, are we worried about this coutnry's standing in the international community? Or are we concerned with our own petty political interests? Priya Ranjan Das Munshi spoke with passion, but little relevance. What was the relevance of India's foreign policy of the past, when it is this government seeking a vote of confidence? I wish to say that no matter who the foreign minister is, whether it is Vajpayee, or Gujral or whoever, that is not the question - the Congress should not have pulled the rug out from under the foreign minister at such a crucial time in India's foreign policy development."

Attacking the Congress,Chandra Shekhar asks: "You criticise Vajpayee, Advani and the other BJP leaders for the fall of Babri Masjid. Once in a while, look within yourselves, ask yourself whether you are not equally responsible for that tragedy?"

"I am accused of running with the hare and hunting with the hounds," says Chandra Shekhar. "I must say that I only say what I think is right. I have nothing to gain or lose from either side, nothing to get out of supporting the one or the other. I am here to speak on behalf of the national interest, without any narrow personal considerations."

One thing is clear - Chandra Shekhar's main thrust is that given the talks in Moscow and Pakistan, the timing of the Congress letter withdrawing support was totally wrong."

Attacking Sharad Pawar, Chandra Shekhar says, "Today, Sharad Pawar came to see me, I was fortunate to have his darshan after such a long time. But it is always thus - when people are in trouble they come to me, when people are creating trouble, they don't pay me any heed."

Chandra Shekhar, talking of his own credentials, says, "When I was once offered the choice of going to jail or joining the government, I choose jail. I have never done anything for my own interests, and I am perhaps the only person who can say that today. I admit that the Congress is a great party, but it needs to be returned to its former greatness. But to do that takes courage, it is not enough to quote Tagore (as Munshi did) or to make self-serving speeches. And I assure you that when that revived Congress takes the national stage, if you invite me I will join it. BUt this Congress, of opportunism and power-hunger, is something I cannot touch with a bargepole."

And with that Chandra Shekhar sits down, and Madhukar Sarpotdar of the Shiv Sena takes the floor.

First up, Sarpotdar clarifies that he is opposing the motion of confidence, so that now clarifies where the Shiv Sena stands on the issue.

Sarpotdar, like the speakers before him, begins with questioning the reasons for the Congress withdrawal of support, and its timing. Says that it took him by surprise. Says that the Congress has been taking part in every decision of the UF government, so he fails to understand why it is now talking of misgovernment.

The Congress, Sarpotdar says, has only one grouse: It has nothing against Laloo Prasad, nothing against Mulayam Yadav, nothing against Ram Vilas Paswan. There is, in the Congress viewpoint, only one bad individual in Indian polity, and that is Deve Gowda.

The Congress has a one point programme, that it does not want Deve Gowda, points out Sarpotdar. "Then what I don't understand is how, for the last ten months, the Congress had nothing to say against Gowda. We all know that several Congress leaders are facing criminal cases, and suddenly, the Congress is worried about Gowda."

Taking off on secularism, Sarpotdar demands: "How can a party which is allied to the Muslim League call itself secular?"

Sarpotdar's argument is that the Congress was merely concerned with keeping its leaders out of jail, that when it saw Gowda unco-operative, it decided to pull the rug out from under him.

Sarpotdar quotes Congress leader Antulay: "When I see Gowda take office as Prime Minister, I feel proud that in India, the son of a farmer, and a farmer himself, can rise to the highest political office in the land. It is the duty of every citizen to support this government, for its full five year tenure, and I am here to reiterate that the Congress, for its part, will give this government, and Mr Deve Gowda, the support he and they deserve for their full tenure." This is Antulay, Sarpotdar points out, speaking on the occasion when the UF government sought a vote of confidence when it took office last year. So where, Sarpotdar wants to know, is Antulay today, where is his offer of unconditional support?

Sarpotdar now quotes Sharad Pawar: "The Congress will support the UF government from outside, unconditionally. This is a government dedicated to the poor, and deserves this support?" So, asks Sarpotdar, what is the situation now? Have the problems of the poor been totally solved, that Pawar's Congress has decided to withdraw support?